By Lungisile Ntsebeza
Democracy Compromised is ready conventional gurus (chiefs of varied ranks) in a democracy. The booklet addresses normally integrally comparable questions. First, how regardless of their function within the apartheid country, conventional professionals haven't purely survived, yet have received unparalleled powers in rural governance in South Africa's democracy, and, secondly, how they derive their authority. It argues that chieftaincy has continuously been contested and that it has all through its heritage because the creation of colonialism been depending on the aid of the nation. The position of conventional specialists within the land allocation method is significant to our knowing, not just in their survival, yet on how they derived their authority. The booklet could be of specific curiosity to lecturers, researchers, scholars, activists and coverage makers.
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Extra resources for Democracy Compromised: Cheifs And the Politics of the Land in South Africa (Afrika-Studiecentrum)
The Greek city-states of antiquity have been given as an example. Further, it has been argued that Africanists are not alone in questioning the liberal notion of representative democracy. In this regard, Wood was cited as an example of a radical, Marxist critique of liberal democracy. Finally, it has been argued that incorporating traditional authorities in post-colonial democracy will compromise a critical element of a post-colonial democratic dispensation, the need for citizens to choose who should represent them.
15 Van Trotha premises a role for traditional authorities in the democratisation process in post-colonial Africa on the condition that the institution and its incumbents are transformed from the “administrative institution of colonial and post-colonial despotism” to what he calls “civil chieftaincy”. The latter would be “part of a new order of a more just, responsive, and responsible government on the level of the central state” (Van Trotha 1996: 103). He adopts a pragmatic approach to chieftainship.
Capitalism, she argues, has advanced democracy in the sense that socio-economic status does not determine the right of citizenship. At the same time, civic equality does not directly affect, or significantly modify, class inequality – and that, according to her, “is what limits democracy in capitalism”. 20 More recently, Abrahamsen (2000: 75-6) has echoed Wood’s sentiments in these terms: (T)he democratic theories of the left often challenge the conventional distinction between the private and the public, arguing that the state is part and parcel of the mechanisms that maintain and reinforce the inequalities of everyday life … To enjoy liberty is not only to enjoy equality before the law, but also to have the capacities, the material and cultural resources to be able to pursue desired courses of action.